So for one reason or another, I ended up reading about phlebotomy/blood
letting this week which in turn led me to the unfortunate phlebotomisation of
Robin Hood. This one comes from Child’s edition of folk tales and I’ve abridged
the original to keep to the pertinent bits:
Disney's Robin Hood |
‘I will neuer eate
oor drinke,’ Robin Hood said,
‘Nor meate will doo me noe good,
Till I haue beene at merry Churchlees,
My vaines for to let blood.’
Will Scarlet and Little John ride off with Robin looking for Churchlees/Kirklees:
They two bolde children shotten together,
All day theire selfe in ranke,
Vntill they came to blacke water,
And over it laid a planke.
Upon it there kneeled an old woman,
Was banning* Robin Hoode;
‘Why dost thou bann Robin Hoode?’ said Robin,
‘To giue to Robin
Hoode;
Wee weepen for his deare body,
That this day must be lett bloode.’
‘The dame prior is my
aunts daughter,
And nie vnto my kinne;
I know shee wold me noe harme this day,
For all the world to winne.’
*banning may
be cursing, or lamenting an approaching death
They make
their way to Churchlees/Kirklees eventually and give the prioress “Twenty pound
in gold”
Downe she came in that ilke,
With a pair off blood-irons in her hands,
Were wrapped all in silke.
‘Sett a chaffing-dish to the fyer,’ said dame prioresse,
‘And stripp thou vp thy sleeue:’
I hold him but an vnwise man
That will noe warning leeve.
Shee laid the blood-irons to Robin Hoods vaine,
Alacke, the more pitye!
And pearct the vaine, and let out the bloode,
That full red was to see.
And first it bled, the thicke, thicke bloode,
And afterwards the thinne,
And well then wist good Robin Hoode
Treason there was within.
Red Roger then enters and tries to kill the weakened Robin. Little
John takes the treachery badly:
‘Now giue me leaue, giue me leaue, master,’ he said,
‘For Christs loue giue leaue to me,
To set a fier within this hall,
And to burne vp all Churchlee.’
But Robin
stays his hand and he goes to die quietly in “yonder streete” with his “bright
sword “ at his head, his “yew-bow” by his side and his arrows at his feet.
This is
already quite a wordy post so I praise you for making it this far. The points I’d
like to raise at this point for the uninitiated are that blood-letting was a
generally practiced medical technique up until really quite recently. It was practiced
at set points throughout the year amongst religious communities and in part recreated
the phlebotomisation of Christ on the cross.
When visiting Valmont in 1259, bishop Eudes comments on the
monks saying:
“some of them had themselves
bled without the abbot’s permission; we advised them to determine amongst
themselves at what periods of the year and how often it should be permitted to
anyone to undergo bleeding”
While the late eleventh century constitutions of Archbishop
Lanfranc state:
“Permission for being bled is at all seasons to be sought…[and]
the hour for blood-letting in winter is after the gospel of High Mass; in
summer after None and before Vespers; in Lent after Vespers. When those to be
bled have put on their night shoes and come to the place allotted for the
purpose, they shall turn to the east and make a double obeisance…”
Some more liturgy follows before they remove their tunics
and, in silence, are bled.
All terribly ritualised, and very important, which makes the
prioress’s betrayal of Robin all the more dramatic which was no doubt its
intended purpose (I’m intentionally omitting the academic debate over this, as
well as the different editions of Robin’s death).
Notes
Knowles, D., ed., The monastic constitutions of Lanfranc
(London: Thomas Nelson and Sons Ltd, 1951) pp. 92-94
Rawcliffe, C., 'On the threshold of eternity: Care for the
sick in East Anglian monasteries', in East
Anglia's History: Studies in honour of Norman Scarfe, ed. by C.
Harper-Bill, Rawcliffe, C., and Wilson, R. (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2002)
The English and Scottish Popular Ballads, ed. F. Child, 5
vols, (New York: 1957) no. 120a
'The Register of Eudes Rigaud', ed. by J. O'Sullivan
(London: Columbia University Press) p. 402
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