Saturday, 23 May 2015

Early Abingdon in Context: Monasticism, Wealth and Urban Growth in Late Anglo-Saxon England


On Thursday I went to the annual Lambrick held by the AAAHS (Abingdon Area Archaeological and Historical Society).

This year’s speaker was Professor John Blair speaking on “Early Abingdon in Context: Monasticism, Wealth and Urban Growth in Late Anglo-Saxon England”.

It was an interesting lecture as the origins of Anglo-Saxon monasteries are often tinged with a healthy dose of legend and it was refreshing to see someone concentrating their research on this area. 

He began by introducing seventh century Britain, reminding the audience of the period of change England was going through at this time i.e. the conversion to Christianity. From the fifth century onwards, after the Roman’s left, across Europe areas which maintained Roman styles of government easily transitioned to bishoprics. Areas where Roman influence quickly dissipated, reverted back to societies based on familial bonds for whom monasteries were a more acceptable form of Christianity, as a monastery is essentially a great big family. 
Staffordshire hoard
Accompanying this change, was a move towards ostentatious displays of wealth by the elite; the building of great halls and barrows for example as well as well as owning elaborate metalwork.

What Blair was arguing was that the ceremonial use of these halls for oath swearing, feasts and so on was actually the continuation of practices already established on these sites. The great halls were simply new arenas.

Sutton Hoo
Many of these great halls were in fact rebuilt many times, sometimes over a very short period of time such as Yeavering which was rebuilt three times within fifty years. Perhaps a great hall was tied to a particular leader and you destroyed it as you left, or perhaps the hall wasn’t what was important. It was the site of the hall, so you just built a brand spanking new one when you next wanted to use the site.

Many of these sites were home to Bronze Age barrows and then Anglo-Saxon halls before finally becoming the sites of monasteries. Blair argued that the ceremonial and ritual function that the barrows and halls exercised was continued with more permanence with the construction of a monastery. The monastery became the custodian almost of the site’s importance.

He then focussed his discussion back on Abingdon, beginning with Sutton Courtenay which lies a little to the south. Sutton Courtenay (Suð-tun) essentially means “south of something”, the something being Abingdon. Blair extrapolated from this that the great hall near Sutton and its significance as a place eventually moved to Abingdon.


Excavation on a large scale across Abingdon would reveal far more concerning its Anglo-Saxon phase and he made some comparisons with other minsters (Anglo-Saxon churches) to support his argument that they are built on what were already important ritual sites.

He then digressed to discussing the monastery itself, suggesting that Abingdon may have been amongst other monasteries at the time in having both male and female members with a female head. He argued that the great endowment of monasteries in the 7th century was pretty much reversed by the 9th century when the lords of England were feeling pinched financially and basically took back what they had given the monasteries. Yes, the Vikings were soon to come raid these monasteries and destroy them but Blair argued that they had already been substantially weakened already by their own benefactors!

His talk finished with an argument for the organised planning of buildings and streets using a grid system. The basic gist of his argument (I’ve put the citation for his article in the notes if you want to read more) was that the Roman had a fantastic method for plotting out grids over a large area. This was undertaken by agrimensores across the empire who wrote their techniques down in what sounded like the Roman version of “Land surveying for Dummies”. 

Much later, the Corby scriptorium in France starts making copies of these handbooks and the dissemination of Roman techniques across a non-Roman world began. This knowledge was disseminated through the church, and therefore, the monasteries. Where you get monasteries, you get grid planning, and vice versa. 

What was the overall point of grid planning? Well, good question. He made a convincing argument that Sutton Courtenay and Abingdon were planned on the same grid pattern but what was the point. The point, he suggested, was that it:

a) Helped layout monasteries which liked to be laid out in a specific way.
b) Allowed literate lords to essentially show off and use the latest and most up to date ways of planning their estates and measuring their land.



Overall a highly enjoyable lecture and has given me much to think about (and to read).


Notes
Sutton Hoo image - http://csis.pace.edu/grendel/projs4a/sutton.htm
John Blair image - http://www.history.ox.ac.uk/faculty/staff/profile/blair.html
Staffordshire hoard - http://www.staffordshirehoard.org.uk/
Great Hall image - http://gallery.nen.gov.uk/assets/0608/0000/0314/100_4168.jpg
Agrimensores - http://lapulpera.blogspot.com/2013/03/k-el-protagonista-de-el-castillo.html

Abingdon Area Archaeological and Historical Society - http://aaahs.org.uk/

Blair, J., "Grid-planning in Anglo-Saxon Settlements: the Short Perch and the Four-Perch Module" in Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History, 18 (2013) pp. 18-61



Saturday, 9 May 2015

Summer is a coming! (Sumer is icumen in)

Things have been a little hectic this week (that'll teach me for going away) so in lieu of a post I had planned to write (coming soon!) I shall highlight a fun item from the British Library collections.


This is a page from an early/mid-thirteenth century song book (probably from Reading abbey) with lyrics written in middle English and featuring turns of phrases such as:

'The ewe bleats after the lamb
The cow lows after the calf.
The bullock stirs, the stag farts,
Merrily sing, Cuckoo!'
Almost a medieval version of Old MacDonald.

At the bottom of the page in red are instructions on how the sung is to be sung which according to the modern commentary, the song is "intended to be sung in a round, requiring four singers to sing the same melody, one after the other, each starting when the previous singer reaches the red cross on the first line. While this is happening, two lower voices repeat the words 'sing cuccu'."

Interestingly, while the song is in Middle English, the instructions are in Latin along with the red lyrics. The lyrics in black are in Middle English. We can speculate to our heart's delight as to why this song had both Latin and middle English lyrics, but this is the earliest known English example.

You can listen to the song here:



Notes
MS, BL Harley 978 f.12v

http://www.bl.uk/learning/timeline/item100326.html

Saturday, 2 May 2015

Prague

Last weekend I enjoyed a lovely long weekend in the beautiful city of Prague in the Czech Republic. Now, the most famous medieval monument in the city is the Charles Bridge:

BUT, I’m planning to attend a conference in June that will discuss bridges in general and meet the author of a PhD on the bridge (Jana Gajdošová) so I’m going to save a post on that for later. 

In the meantime, I would like to whole heartedly recommend Prague as a city break. Do take your walking shoes as there’s a lot of walking but the food is delicious, the beer is cheap (try the Czech wines too!), and the architecture is superb. 

In lieu of the bridge, I’m going to talk about the fabulous clock that graces the tower in the old town square (N.B. There’s a restaurant called Café U Týna on the other side of the square that serves brilliant schnitzel).

Fourteenth century Prague had become a cultural centre following the reign of Emperor Charles IV and in 1347 its university was founded. This led to an influx of intellectuals and ideas to the Czech Republic and in 1410, this clock was created using the cutting edge science and craftsmanship of the day by Mikuláš of Kadaň and Jan Šindel. 

Now, as you may observe, this is not a normal clock. This is because, it does not tell normal time. 


The ‘clock’s’ dial, is essentially a mechanical astrolabe (an astrological instrument). The ring with Roman numerals tells modern time (no minute hand) and is indicated by the golden hand. 

The ring with Arabic numerals tells Bohemian time, which is/was calculated according to the hours between sunrise and sunset. Very useful back when the working day was determined by available daylight. 

The curved lines cutting across the clock (with the spaces coloured in orange and gradiated blues) mark the unevenness of the daylight throughout the year. The number 24 on the outer ring (the Bohemian one) indicates sunset and moves throughout the year. 


 HOW COOL IS THAT.

So from the photo I took, you can see that it was around 1pm and that sunset was going to happen after 7pm. 

The dial in the centre with the zodiac signs on it tells you the movement of the sun, stars and moon throughout the year and the relevant zodiac sign. 

I’m going to be perfectly honest and say that my maths and astronomy isn’t up for explaining how that part of the clock is used in detail. It was very important when you were trying to forecast fortunes however (this was the cutting edge of science) or calculate calendars for the year ahead.

A fabulous clock I hope you’ll all agree and an interesting object though which to glimpse medieval science. Here’s a poem written on the clock to relax your brains now. 

“The Prague Astronomical Clock”

By Jonathan Fink

Inside, it must resemble a great churning mouth,
the three co-axial wheels, all with nearly 400 cogs.
Ignore the trinkets and pawns, the puppet apostles

that march but on the hour, the tiny skeleton
striking the chimes. They all are additions,
centuries late, to pacify travellers on the Royal Way.

For six hundred years it has marshalled the stars,
the revolutions of the sun and moon, the minuscule
placement of zodiacal signs.

The maker's intent, the chronicles claim, was to "publish" the paths
of celestial bodies and meter the universe to discernible
time. According to legend, he laboured for years,

forging every pin and cog. So when the clock was
first unveiled and the hands moved like conductors'
batons, the city fathers searched out the maker

and carried him to the centre square. At once,
he must have thought it grand -the streets spilling
crowds. Then the politicians closed around him

and the leanest produced a curling blade. The legend
claims their motivation as pride, never wanting another
clock built. And when they were done, each departed

his way, leaving the maker blinded behind. One version
of the story asserts that the maker found his way
to the clock, and throwing the switches only he knew,

swung open the dial and inserted his hand. Like a magician
producing a coin from the dark, he removed the smallest
discernible part. So was a modest reciprocity served:

the clock hands stayed, the ticking stopped. Yet a realist
would decry the story's most obvious flaw, that after
6oo years the clock still works, the sun and moon pass

on the painted sky. More likely than the fable's neat turn
is that the maker crawled his way back to his home,
or died at once in the square from the blade. In truth,

he was probably never blinded at all, going on
to celebrity, honour and gain. With due respect
to the unknowable past, only the justice of legend

remains. So hail to the clock, precision's grand shrine,
and hail to its lies, the peddlers of fame. After 6oo years
they both persist, a feat, in itself, deserving of praise.


Notes

Clock diagram:

Fink, J. “The Prague Astronomical Clock”, Poetry, vol. 182, No. 5 (Aug., 2003), pp. 252-253

Saturday, 25 April 2015

Monthly Round-up

Starting today, on the last Saturday of each month, I will do a round-up of interesting articles and links I come across in my WWW procrastinations and will compile them into a post for your enjoyment.

Without further ado:

Nottingham’s best kept secret:

-          A whole system of man-made caves underneath Nottingham. Incredibly cool stuff.

Best phone and tablet apps for medievalists:

-          I would of course add CamScanner to that list if you haven’t heard of it already. Great for anyone that needs to scan documents for printing later, or to store as pdf files. Wonderful tool. They don't even pay me to promote it, I just love it that much. 

Oxford Bibliographies:

-          How had I not heard of this until this month? Pick a general topic and away you go. Tons of books focused to your research. 

All you need to know about medieval monsters:


And who doesn't need a sixteenth century dragon to brighten their day?


Saturday, 18 April 2015

Conference: Reading, Scholarship and the Art of the Book at Reading Abbey



Yesterday the University of Reading played host to “Reading, Scholarship and the Art of the Book at Reading Abbey” which considered a wide variety of aspects Reading abbey’s history, primarily through its literacy and scholarship. 

Lindy Grant (Reading) began the day with her paper on Reading Abbey in a cultural and intellectual, international context.


She spoke about Reading’s lack of grand recognition in Britain and in the wider academic world despite it being one of the most important ecclesiastical institutions in medieval Europe.

She then went on to present a short history of the abbey and its early abbots, presenting the case that Reading’s early abbots were pivotal pieces within the machinery of the Cluniac order; in turn, the importance of the abbots reflects the importance of the abbey which saw the burial of Henry I shortly after its construction.

Reading abbey would go on to influence a series of abbeys across Britain including Jedburgh in Scotland and the English Romsey whose arcaded naves share an aesthetic with that of the now ruined Reading abbey. 

Tess Webber (Cambridge) followed, speaking on Reading in the Refectory at Reading Abbey.

Her paper was accompanied by some wonderfully crisp images from Oxford St John’s College MS 11. She discussed the importance of reading at mealtimes which is outlined in the Benedictine Rule, Chapter 38, which states:

Reading must not be wanting at the table of the brethren when they are eating. Neither let anyone who may chance to take up the book venture to read there; but let him who is to read for the whole week enter upon that office on Sunday. After Mass and Communion let him ask all to pray for him that God may ward off from him the spirit of pride. And let the following verse be said three times by all in the oratory, he beginning it: Domine, labia mea aperies, et os meum annuntiabit laudem tuam, and thus having received the blessing let him enter upon the reading. 

Let the deepest silence be maintained that no whispering or voice be heard except that of the reader alone. But let the brethren so help each other to what is needed for eating and drinking, that no one need ask for anything. If, however, anything should be wanted, let it be asked for by means of a sign of any kind rather than a sound. And let no one presume to ask any questions there, either about the book or anything else , in order that no cause to speak be given [to the devil], unless, perchance, the Superior wisheth to say a few words for edification. 

Let the brother who is reader for the week take a little bread and wine before he beginneth to read, on account of Holy Communion, and lest it should be too hard for him to fast so long. Afterward, however, let him take his meal in the kitchen with the weekly servers and the waiters. The brethren , however, will not read or sing in order, but only those who edify their hearers.

The refectory itself was alone amongst the claustral buildings in rivalling the church in size and accommodated a pulpit and stairs often in the walls of the church and the cycle of the monastic year was punctuated by careful chosen texts read aloud to the monks. 

Unfortunately the customary for Reading (a document that essentially laid out the ideal day-to-day operation/customs of a monastery) has been lost although parts of it may have been copied into Oxford, St John’s College, MS 11 and although the readings for only two months survive in St John’s 11, but it gives us a hint of how the year progressed. These readings are even highlighted by rubrics at the top of the page (writing in red ink), for example stating that the text is intended for the Saturday during the third week of Lent. 

Michael Gullick (Independent) then followed speaking on Reflections on the Reading Abbey Romanesque Book Collections and Documents. He discussed the actual manufacture of books at Reading abbey, beginning with its late twelfth century catalogue. The ‘catalogue’ is essentially a book list of all the books owned by the abbey including ‘library’ and ‘liturgical’ books. This is unusual as such lists usually containing one, or the other.  

The books themselves were viewed as ‘spiritual capital’ as the owning of them was seen not only as material possession, but also impacted the spiritual welfare of the monastery. He then discussed possible reasons for the creation of the book list, suggesting that it was produced in part to reinforce the power and wealth of the monastery (look at how many books we have – aren’t we great). 

His evidence for tracing the Reading scribes comes from illuminated capitals, or ‘arabesques’. To sum up his conclusions, it has previously been thought that one style of capital was indicative of a ‘Reading style’ but in fact, it is actually the work of a single scribe as pre-1200 you do not tend to see stylistic imitations between scribes. This particular scribe seems to have been the most prolific (or his works survives the best) as his style is the most recognisable in the Reading books. Thus, this was not a house style, but the style of artists who arrived already trained at the abbey and practised their own style.

Lauren Cleaver (Dublin) spoke next on History Books at Reading and Bec.


She was interested in what historical books were kept by Reading abbey but also what was being produced by the abbey and amongst the abbey’s collections were copies of the lives of Charlemagne and deeds of Alexander the Great. She again used similarities between illuminated capitals in different manuscripts to infer the scribe as either the same scribe for both, or a scribe that had seen the other manuscript, from which she postulated that there was a historian/scribe/monk at Reading either actively seeking out other histories as resources for his own, or maybe even travelling.

Anne Lawrence (Reading) led the last paper before lunch on The Reading Abbey computus manuscript and its context. Anne has been working for several years on Reading’s computus manuscript which allowed you to calculate Easter (amongst other uses) and has dated it to 1132-5.

11.25 x 7.75 inches in dimensions, the computus features 15 gatherings of 8 folios, and it is apparent that a great deal of care has gone into the writing of it. 

Amongst other items of note, Anne highlights that the original text that the scribe was copying from had an error in its chapter headings which the Reading monk had attempted to correct. Alongside this, the text is also accompanied by a gloss where the monk has tried to help the trainee monk in understanding Bede’s original text. 

Reading’s computus was created to be used and read and became not only a classical text to be studied within the monastery, but also a text used on a day to day basis. Whether the 1130s scribe was a Reading monk, or someone brought in we simply do not know. We just know that they knew what they were doing and that they understood the text they were transcribing and annotating.

Nigel Morgan launched the afternoon’s session with a discussion of Reading abbey’s liturgy in The Calendar and Litany of Reading Abbey
 
The surviving liturgical manuscripts for Reading are surprisingly small in comparison to other houses yet Morgan in particularly wanted to address the nature of Reading’s liturgy in relation to its quasi-Cluniac status. 

As a bit of context, Reading was never officially linked to Cluny as Cluniac houses had to be (they all were subject to the mother house). This was due in part to Reading’s foundation as a royal abbey which granted it far more autonomy than most Cluniac monasteries enjoyed. 

Using Reading’s calendar which lists the various saints celebrated throughout the year, he argues that Reading was celebrating not only Reading saints, but also Cluniac saints throughout the Middle Ages. He concluded by stating that a Cluniac monk arriving at Reading in the late twelfth century would have been as familiar with the liturgy being practised as a monk arriving in the fifteenth. The liturgy remained Cluniac in his opinion and therefore, so did the monks. 

Cynthia Johnston followed with an examination of manuscript decorations in ’In the custom of this country’: The transmigration of Bolognese decorative style in thirteenth-century Oxford and Reading Abbey Manuscripts. 

Examining and tracing pen strokes and flourishes she convincingly argued for the migration of these manuscript decorations from Italy to Reading; Using their identifying thin lines and barley head decorations to determine their presence in a manuscript. 

 Catherine Leglu (Reading) began the last session of the day with Reading Abbey’s Anglo-Norman French bible: London British Library Royal MS 1 CIII.
 
Catherine took us on a whirlwind tour of Reading’s Anglo-Noman bible with particular attention paid to annotations and changes to it. There are no marginal annotations as would be easily recognisable but there are spaces where additional words have been added later.  She postulates that perhaps this edition of the bible may have been used as a French teaching aide for the monastery but also that as only Genesis to Tobit are covered in it, it is apparent that it was originally part of (or intended to be) part of a larger work (possibly up to 5 volumes).

Her conclusions are that 3 separate scribes were involved in its creation and that they attempted to correct an unsatisfactory exemplar. Their efforts are apparent and their translations are more concerned with definitions rather than doctrine, accuracy is their focus. For example they clarify potentially confusing French terms, or substitute more accurate French words than the ones offered in the exemplar. 

Brian Kemp (Reading) brought the day to a close with his discussion of The Reading Abbey Formulary


The formulary itself came into the possession of the Berkshire Record Office fairly recently and while it cannot be conclusively proved that it was Reading Abbey’s, analysis of its text demonstrates that it was definitely made for someone senior either at or working for the abbey and Kemp argues that it was actually produced at the abbey. 

A formulary is a compendium of forms/formulae, and is basically a guide for legal document writers for how to write different letters and other formal documents. This formulary consists of 100 folios and measures 5 x 8 inches. Written in a single, fourteenth century hand, small excerpts are written in medieval French, with the majority in Latin.

It is a practical business like handbook but does not seem to have suffered that much damage, therefore suggesting it was not in constant use. Yet, the material within gives us a fascinating insight into the holdings and workings of the abbey and future work on this exciting text will likely prove to be not only illuminating, but add significantly to the history of the abbey. 

The day was a great success and it was satisfying to see what a wealth of research has been done and is being done upon Reading's old abbey. I first stumbled across the history of the abbey in during my 2nd year as an undergraduate and it is one of the primary reasons I ended up becoming interested in the Middle Ages. It really is a fascinating and important site and its history is alive and well. 

If you want to know more and learn about a project aiming to open up the ruins to the public, please go here and support it in any way you can:





Notes

Formulary photo:

Reading abbey:
 
All other images were taken on the day by me, or in the case of Jedburgh, taken in 2011.